10 Fakultät Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaften

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://elib.uni-stuttgart.de/handle/11682/11

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Subject: search.filters.subject.300Subject: search.filters.subject.320Publication Type: search.filters.UBSTyp.Dissertation

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    Cyber risks and cybersecurity : risk communication and regulation strategies in the United States and Germany
    (2021) Ulmer, Kathrin; Renn, Ortwin (Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c.)
    The dissertation explores and analyzes political communication and regulatory processes related to cyber risks and cybersecurity in the United States and Germany in the time period from 2007 to 2016 with a focus on cybersecurity-related risks for critical infrastructure. The dissertation follows a qualitative-interpretative research design based on Reiner Keller’s Sociology of Knowledge Approach to Discourse (SKAD) that is innovatively adapted by integrating frames and regulatory styles. The study proceeds in three steps: First, a context mapping reveals the institutional roles and responsibilities of the executive branches in both countries in the young field of cybersecurity policy. Second, official cybersecurity discourses in both countries are analyzed in order to identify which frames the respective executive actors use in their communication. Two overarching frames are found for each country: For the United States, a homeland security frame and a technological leadership frame can be identified; for Germany, a security of supply frame as well as a moderation frame are found. Third, the study sheds light on regulation in the field of cybersecurity, understood as discourse effect. Therefore, one regulatory example is examined for each country in order to assess its consistency with the traditional regulatory style of the respective country. In the case of the United States, the Cybersecurity Framework following executive order 13636 is examined; for Germany, the IT Security Law is selected as regulatory example.
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    "Within the secret garden of politics" : candidate selection and the representation of immigrant-origin citizens in Germany
    (2019) Deiss-Helbig, Elisa; Gabriel, Oscar W. (Prof. Dr.)
    Die quantitativ angelegte Studie geht der Frage nach, inwieweit Parteien und der Prozess der Kandidatenauswahl für die geringe Präsenz von Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund in den Parlamenten verantwortlich sind. Die zentrale Frage lautet, ob Personen mit Migrationshintergrund, die sich um ein Kandidatenamt bewerben, sich spezifischen Hindernissen gegenüber sehen, die auf wahlstrategische Aspekte, die ideologische Ausrichtung der Partei und/oder Aspekte innerparteilicher Prozesse zurückzuführen sind. Die Beanwortung dieser Frage erfolgt am Beispiel der Bundesrepublik Deutschland auf der Grundlage verschiedener komplementär verwendeter Datenquellen (Daten zu Namen von Aspiranten und zu den Nominierungen sowie eine Online-Umfrage unter Parteimitgliedern).
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    Gesellschaftlicher Umgang mit Risiken : Fallstudie zur Steuerungsleistung gesellschaftlicher Institutionen in Bezug auf Bewältigung von Unsicherheit (Risk Governance)
    (2017) Bonneck, Sabine; Renn, Ortwin (Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c.)
    Als im Jahr 2002 die von IARC als "wahrscheinlich krebserregend" eingestufte Substanz Acrylamid in Lebensmitteln entdeckt wurde, wurden viele Ressourcen in die Erforschung von Risiko und Reduktionsmöglichkeiten investiert. Nach mehr als zehn Jahren gibt es nur wenig neue Erkenntnisse zum Risiko. Die Acrylamidgehalte können in vielen Produkten reduziert werden, allerdings gibt es keine Belege dafür, dass eine Reduktion tatsächlich stattgefunden hat. Die Risikosteuerung hat weitgehend unter Ausschluss der Öffentlichkeit stattgefunden. Verbraucher wurden kaum einbezogen und internationale Vorgaben zur Risikosteuerung außer Acht gelassen. Ein Risikorat hätte ein systematischeres Vorgehen sicherstellen können.
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    Lobbying and political corruption in Germany and the United States : legitimacy, strategies, influence and integrity in interest intermediation
    (2021) Goldberg, Felix; Bernhagen, Patrick (Prof. Dr.)
    The objective of this study is to provide theoretical and empirical guidance for sound lobbying regulation by assessing the relationship between democratically desired and undue influence. The distinction between lobbying and corruption as two ways of influence-seeking is right at the center of differentiating desired influence from undue influence. This study is the first to comprehensively examine the relationship between lobbying and corruption in two affluent democracies. I argue that a cooperative style of policymaking, such as in Germany, inhibits corruption because of mutual control mechanisms. In contrast, I expect a majoritarian style of policymaking to facilitate corruption because it concentrates power in the hands of the executive leadership and increases competition among organized interests and legislators. The empirical results support this expectation. Turning to the hypotheses concerning the individual level, lobbying and corruption can be conceptualized as either mutually inclusive or exclusive activities. Concerning the former, shared prerequisites of lobbying and corruption can lead to a positive statistical relationship. Concerning the latter, corruption is attempted if lobbying is not successful. The results for the individual level are inconclusive. Access to the executive branch is the strongest predictor of corruption and the strongest predictor of influence through lobbying. Hence, better access increases the two types of influence. However, influence at the executive branch is negatively associated with corruption. This indicates that access is a prerequisite for both lobbying and corruption and that the choice between the two ways of seeking influence is made later, after access was granted. In contrast, better personal access to the legislature is rather negatively associated with corruption. The weaker relationship between contact with legislators and corruption indicates that public scrutiny and mutual controls are effective tools against corruption. Hence, there is no unambiguous empirical support for either the mutual-inclusiveness or the mutual-exclusiveness logic.