Marchis, Mihaela2008-06-062016-03-312008-06-062016-03-312008312763085http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:93-opus-35516http://elib.uni-stuttgart.de/handle/11682/5719http://dx.doi.org/10.18419/opus-5702In this paper I argue that the –or affix embeds different morpho-syntactical contexts, triggering distinct semantic effects: the (+ event) nominalization vs. (- event) derivation. I illustrate that both (+ event) and (- event) nouns have a vP, basing my claim on the two arguments (see Alexiadou & Schäfer (2007)): the morphology of –or nouns and adjectival modification. However, vP is bound by different operators: episodic vs. dispositional. According to Alexiadou & Schäfer (2007) event nominals are episodic while non-event nominals are dispositional. I propose that these aspectual specifications are triggered by the participial stem -t present in –or formation. Following the classification of Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou (2004, 2008), the structure of resultant participles is involved in the –or nominalization while –or derivation is built on the base of target participles. Like resultant participles (+event) nouns contain not only a vP but also the functional projections such as vP, AsP and VoiceP. (- event) derivates like target participles lack argument structure and therefore also VoiceP. To conclude, (+event) nominals involve nominalization since –or affix is base-generated as the Agent in the Specifier of VoiceP while the -or affix involved in derivation is base-generated in the head position where the verb moves up and cliticizes.eninfo:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessLinguistik400bookPart2015-12-12