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dc.contributor.authorUth, Melaniede
dc.date.accessioned2008-06-06de
dc.date.accessioned2016-03-31T10:10:14Z-
dc.date.available2008-06-06de
dc.date.available2016-03-31T10:10:14Z-
dc.date.issued2008de
dc.identifier.other312759894de
dc.identifier.urihttp://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:93-opus-35566de
dc.identifier.urihttp://elib.uni-stuttgart.de/handle/11682/5724-
dc.identifier.urihttp://dx.doi.org/10.18419/opus-5707-
dc.description.abstractIn this paper I will investigate process and result nominals in -age and –ment, which are derived from verbs participating in the causative/anti-causative-alternation (henceforth labelled “alternating verbs”). First of all, it will be empirically shown that –mentnominals have both the anti-causative reading and the resultant state reading, whereas process nominals in –age focus on the causing process and result nominals in –age only appear in applicative constructions. Ehrich & Rapp (2000) assume that the causative eventive chain consists of a causing process and a change-of-state event that takes the resultant state as its situational argument. Following that, I will conclude from the empirical evidence that –ment nominalizes the change-of-state event, while –age nominalizes the causing process. Furthermore, I will model the relevant –age- and –mentnominals in terms of Lieber’s (2004) conceptual structures and discuss the question whether we may assume that –ment and –age introduce different aspectual operators.en
dc.language.isoende
dc.rightsinfo:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessde
dc.subject.classificationLinguistikde
dc.subject.ddc400de
dc.titleThe division of the causative eventive chain by means of -ment and -ageen
dc.typebookPartde
dc.date.updated2015-12-12de
ubs.fakultaetSonderforschungs- und Transferbereichede
ubs.institutSonderforschungsbereich 732, Incremental specification in contextde
ubs.opusid3556de
ubs.publikation.sourceSinSpeC 1 (2008), S. 209-234de
ubs.publikation.typBuchbeitragde
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